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international relation 作業代寫

Questions of Nationality
All  I  desired  was  to  walk  upon  such  an  earth  that  had  no  maps  
(Ondaatje,  1992:  261)
international relation  
It began with an intriguing question from a classmate:
“Are you ashamed of being Western?”
The particular language utilised in this question framed nationality as the definitive form of
identity. Initially I reflected on the narrowness of such a statement. If I am framed through
particular identifications, then why was my sex, religion, class, or ethnicity not being
questioned? Many scholars assert that the International Relations (IR) discipline, which
centralises the “nation-state”, supports the prevalence of nationalism; as “birth remains a
compelling metaphor” (Ho, 2002: 215).
international relation   作業代寫
My interest in national identity initially unfolded from the fascinating concept of “imagined
communities” introduced in Week Four (Anderson, 2006). An engagement with Michael
Ondaatje’s novel The English Patient further served to undermine the rationalist assertion of
nations as a political and lived reality; depicting them as matters of narrative. Despite being
drawn to these ideas, I was initially hesitant to accept the complete deconstruction of the term
for fear of identity loss. The feminist sociological concept of “intersectionality” introduced in
a tutorial was influential in my re-examination of this assertion. By illustrating the possibility
of humans to have fleeting, fluid and multifaceted identities which are “complex and many
tiered” (Taylor, 1989: 29, see also Gellner, 1983), I began to perceive national identity as
little more than a construction.
However, although I personally recognised its subjective discourse, my assertions were
continually challenged as homogenous national identities still underlined much of the
material examined in this course. Ondaatje’s novel expands on the constructive capabilities of
nationalism, asserting that “nation-states deform you” (Ondaatje, 1992: 138). The Hollywood
stereotypes of Arab-Americans and Arabs as terrorists in mass media like 24 (Yin, 2004),
creates intolerance, racialised distinctions and animosity towards whole nations (Deutsch,
international relation   作業代寫
1975: 63). Its influence on IR is evident in George Bush’s effective use of national sentiments
of fear and anger to exert his foreign policy on Iraq.
This conflict between nationalism’s constructed nature and international dominance
revolutionised the way I perceive myself and others in IR. Drawing on its similarities to
realist discourse, nationalism serves as identity dimension that separates “us” from “them”.
This is highlighted in The West Wing when Bartlett rhetorically asks, “Why is a Kundonese
life worth less to me than an American life?” evoking the reply “I don’t know sir, but it is”
from Will Bailey (Inauguration: Part 1 2002). Australian non-intervention in Libya was
justified by the state sovereignty excuse that the conflict should remain “a fight among
insiders” (Waltzer, 2011). However, when espousing the influence of national identity in IR,
it is evident that nationalism was also utilised as an excuse not to intervene. It is envisaged
that if it were “Australian” or “American” instead of “Libyan” citizens being killed, the
respect for state sovereignty would be disregarded in an instant. Exploring the ideals of a
cosmopolitan world Ondaatje’s novel asserts a moral duty to care about others whatever their
relation to us. Further reading undertaken asserted the value of humanitarianism in future
directions of IR, because in essence, “we are communal histories, communal books.   We are
not owned or monogamous in our taste or experience” (Ondaatje, 1992: 261).
Terrorist or Freedom Fighter?
One weapon of choice is a loaded word.
After September 11, the Washington Post was heavily criticised for its decision to avoid using
the word “terrorist” in media reports. Many journalists argued that the paper was not
revealing the “truth” (Campbell, 2001)…
It is human nature to polarise things. Good and evil. East and West. Wrong and right.
Truth and fiction.
international relation   作業代寫
A tutorial activity in labelling Nelson Mandela either a “terrorist” or “freedom fighter” was
pivotal in deconstructing these binaries in IR, forcing me to recognise the importance of
perspective in representation. The assertion that terrorism can be defined and utilised as an
empirical tool is a flawed one. How can the Washington Post tell the “truth” of terrorism,
when the term operates as a socially constructed phenomenon in the minds of large pluralities
of people? (Harré, 2004; Turk, 2004).
The prevalent saying “one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter” (Lacquer, 1987:
7) was initially an instrumental influence in justifying my assertions. The inability to
distinguish between terrorists and freedom fighters (Figure 1) supported Foucault’s theory
that the language used to describe “facts” interferes in the creation of truth and fiction (Hall,
2007: 57). In order to understand this assertion, I examined a selection of labels placed on
Wikileaks founder Julian Assange in media and political circles (Figure 2). Descriptions
ranged from “high-tech terrorist” to “internet’s freedom fighter”. This process revealed that
facts alone cannot decide what Assange is. If Assange is framed as a terrorist, and that
“knowledge” is acted on, then in effect he becomes a terrorist because he is treated as such.
In recognition of its subjective nature, it has been argued that the term “terrorism” is so
ideologically laden that it lacks any further analytical value (Finlay,  2009  see  also  Bhatia,
2005, Scheffler, 2006).  However,  my  studies  in  IR  have  revealed  the  importance  in 
international relation   作業代寫
examining  purpose  and  reason,  such  as  the  way  terrorism  “is  deployed by actors a means
of demonising and de-legitimising opponents” (Jackson, 2010: 116). I examined speeches
from Osama bin Laden and George Bush in the aftermath of September 11 (Figure 3) through
positioning theory to illustrate the way both leaders position themselves and their enemy in
relation to the socially constructed map; mutually framing their position as valiant freedom
fighting and depicting their enemy as an evil terrorist.
However, by promoting the flaws of an analytical definition of terrorism, I was naively
blinded to the effect of subjectivity in conflating the term. The uncertainty and ambiguity
surrounding terrorism has been used as a means of creating widespread fear and hysteria. It
populates the news cycle: “Suspected Al Qaeda Gunmen Reportedly Seize Yemeni City” (1 st
Headlines, 2011) and has driven the spending of two trillion dollars by the US government in
efforts to fight it. Richard Jackson takes an inherently unique approach to this issue by listing
10 things more likely to kill you than terrorism. Bees, vending machines, bathtubs, lightning
and suicide all rank higher. He questions the influence of this uncertainty on society’s values
and priorities, which place greater investment and attention on a single death from terrorism
than the millions of deaths from poverty, guns and the like (Jackson, 2011). In the rhetoric
surrounding this concept, I have come to believe that the linguistics and representations of
“terrorism” should be the primary focus of discourse, not necessarily the phenomenon itself.
Development Institutions:
There Is No Alternative
The rich man’s wealth is in the city
Destruction of the poor is his poverty
Destruction of your soul is vanity
Do you hear?
I and I, I wanna rule my destiny
I and I, I wanna rule my destiny
“Destiny”, Buju Banton
international relation   作業代寫
“We may be witnessing the end of history as such” (Fukuyama 1992).
It was the moment when the following facts were revealed in a lecture that I understood the
purpose of IR:
• Bolivia 2000: 6 died and 175 injured during protests over the privatisation of water.
• Argentina 2001: 16 people killed during protests against further IMF austerity measures.
• Both were declared successes by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF)
in attempts to implement Poverty Reduction Strategies.
Examining the impact of institutional policies on developing countries has served as a
catalyst for my reflections on the nature and purpose of the IR discipline. Growing up in a
time where politicians, right-wing intellectuals and the mass media have propounded the
benefits of development institutions I have never felt the need to question their motives or
impacts. However, the documentary Life and Death was persuasive in examining the morality
of global power structures and economic relationships, and their implications on the potential
for meaningful, sustainable development. Illustrating the complexities of international
lending, Life and Debt utilises the appalling state of the Jamaican economy as a case study in
order to demonstrate how “developing” countries become economic disasters under the
auspices of the IMF and World Bank (Life and Debt, 2001). Exposure to the ineffectiveness
of these institutions drew me to the ideas of critical theory which claim that these policies
serve to entrench global poverty and exacerbate inequalities.
However, dissatisfaction with these institutions turned to unsurpassed anger when reading
Perkins’ autobiography Confessions of an Economic Hit Man. As Christo Komarnitski’s
cartoon (Figure 4) illustrates, the high levels of debts have deprived developing states of their
native culture and plagued them with poverty and civil unrest. Perkins’ states that
development institutions consciously produce exaggerated economic growth forecasts for
developing countries to burden the state with unpayable debts “so they would present easy
targets when we needed favours” (Perkins 2004, 15). By narrowing the theories of
development to the idea that “growth is good for the poor”, the international community has
become immune to these dimensions of poverty and injustice.
Neoliberalism’s pervasiveness is evident not only in its supreme influence on the global
economy but its power to redefine the nature of sociality and politics through declaring:
“there is not alternative” (Thatcher, 1967). A failure to challenge and question neoliberalism
allows it to become “a common sense of the times” (Peck and Ticknell, 2002, see also Giroux
and Giroux, 2006). However, the “theoretical pluralism” advocated by the discourse of IR is
a precaution of the dangers that arise from elevating theories to the status of natural law or
evolutionary necessity. Totalising theories in IR colonise and subsume different rationalities,
leading the discipline to become “professionally narrower at precisely the moment when the
problem [of development] demanded broader, more political and social insights” (Hirschman,
1981: 1). Therefore, I believe that what Fukuyama proposes is not only the end of history but
the end of imagination. Political graffiti (Figure 5) created by artists such as Banksy which
call for “change”, illustrate the way in which challenges to this theoretical imperialism can
arise from the public. It gives hope to the progression of imagination, expansion of vision and
creation of alternatives that human ingenuity is capable of implementing. By examining the
extensive discourse of IR, I have come to perceive it as multifaceted and dynamic; and an
area that will only strength through the inclusion of sociocultural, economic, environmental
factors alongside traditional political features.
international relation   作業代寫
Figure 1
(CHS Alumni News, 2009)
Figure 2
Figure 3
Osama bin Laden:
Our Islamic nation has been tasting [horror] for more [than] eighty years, of humiliation and
disgrace, its sons killed and their blood spilled, its sanctities desecrated. God has blessed a
group of vanguard Muslims, the forefront of Islam, to destroy America. These [Muslims]
have stood in defence of their weak children, their brothers and sisters in Palestine and other
Muslim nations…I tell them that these events have divided the world into two camps, the
camp of the faithful and the camp of infidels. Every Muslim must rise to defend his religion.
The wind of faith is blowing and the wind of change is blowing to remove the evil from the
Peninsula of Muhammad, peace be upon him.
(“A Nation Challenged,” 2001, p. B7)
George W. Bush:
This military action is a part of our campaign against terrorism. In this conflict there is no
neutral ground. If any government sponsors the outlaws and killer of innocents, they have
become outlaws and murderers themselves. We’re a peaceful nation. Yet as we have learned
so suddenly and so tragically, there can be no peace in a world of sudden terror. In the face of
today’s new threat the only way to pursue peace is to pursue those who threaten it. We defend
not only our precious freedoms but also the freedom of people everywhere to live and raise
their children free from fear.
(“A Nation Challenged,” 2001, p. B6)
Figure 4
(Komarnitski, 2007)
Figure 5
(Banksy, 2010)
Part One:
Anderson, B 2006, Imagined Communities: reflections on the origin and spread of
nationalism, Verso, London
Deutsch, Karl 1975, Tides Among Nations, Free Press, New York
Gellner, E 1983, Nations and Nationalism, Cornell University Press, Ithaca
Ho, E 2002, ‘Names beyond Nations: The Making of Local Cosmopolitans’, Études Rurales
Inauguration: Part 1, The West Wing, 2001, television series, Warner Home Video, USA
Ondaatje, M 1992, The English Patient, Bloomsbury Publishing Limited, London
Taylor, C 1989, Sources of the self: the making of modern identity, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge
Waltzer, M 2001, ‘From Subject to Citizen’, Dissent Magazine, <http://www.dissentmag
Yin, T 2007, ‘Jack Bauer Syndrome: Hollywood’s Depiction of National Security Law’,
Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal 17, 279-301
Part Two:
international relation   作業代寫
1 st Headlines 2001, ‘Terrorism News Headlines’, Rentz Data Systems
Bhatia, M 2005, ‘Fighting words: Naming terrorists, bandits, rebels and other violent actors’,
Third World Quarterly, 26(1), 5-22
Campbell, K 2001, ‘When is “terrorist” a subjective term?’ The Christian Science Monitor,
CHS Alumni News 2009, CHS Alumni News, weblog post, 27 June 2009, accessed 30 April
2011, <http://chsalumninews.blogspot.com/2009_06_21_archive.html>
Finlay, C 2009, ‘How to do things with the word “terrorist”’, Review of International Studies,
35(4), 751–774
Hall, S 2007, ‘The West and the Rest: Discourse and Power’, in T. Das Gupta (ed), Race and
Radicalization: Essential Readings, Canadian Scholars’ Press Inc, Ontario
Harré, R 2004, ‘The social construction of terrorism’, in F. Moghaddam & A. Marsella (eds),
Understanding terrorism: Psychosocial roots, consequences, and interventions, American
Psychological Association, Washington, DC
Jackson, R 2010, ‘In defence of “terrorism”: finding a way through a forest of
misconceptions’, Behavioural Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression, 3 (2), 116-130
Jackson, R 2011, ‘The Threat of Terrorism’, Richard Jackson Terrorism Blog, weblog post,
30 May, accessed 30 May 2011, <   http://richardjacksonterrorismblog.wordpress.com/>
Lacquer, W 1987, The Age of Terrorism, Little, Brown and Company, Boston
Life and Debt, 2001, documentary, Gil Scrine Films, Brisbane
Scheffler, S 2006, ‘Is terrorism morally distinctive?’ Journal of Political Philosophy, 14(1),
Turk, A 2004, ‘Sociology of terrorism’, Annual Review of Sociology, 30, 271-286
Part Three:
Banksy, 2010 in M. Colby, ‘Exit To Beach: Brighton Film Makers Document City's Socio-
Cultural Structure’, The Brighton Magazine, <http://magazine.brighton.co.uk/index.asp
Fukuyama, F 1989, ‘The End of History?’ in G. O Tuathail, S. Dalby and P. Routledge (eds),
The geopolitics reader, 1998, Routledge, Oxon
Giroux, H and Giroux, S 2006, ‘Challenging Neoliberalism’s New World Order: The
Promise of Critical Pedagogy’, Cultural Studies 6 (21), 21-32
Hirschman, A O 1981, ‘The rise and decline of development economics’, in Essays in
Trespassing: Economics to Politics and Beyond, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge
Komarnitski, C 2007, in M. Albert, ‘Break the chains: Debt relief would let countries help
themselves’, Reporter, <   http://www.amistad-vacaville.org/break_the_chains.htm>
Peck, J and Ticknell, A 2002, ‘Neoliberalising space’, Antipode 34, 380-404
Perkins, J 2004, Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, Berrett-Koehler, USA
Thatcher, M 1967, Speech to Conservative Party Conference, (Speech delivered at
Conservative Party Conference), Brighton


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